The wounds left by Mauricio Macri

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The resignation of Mauricio Macri from a presidential candidacy does not damage the electoral chances of either PRO or Cambiemos. It remains to be seen if the occasion was the right one. Allies like Miguel Pichetto asked him to speed up the announcement with a yes or a no. Macri replied that time should not be rushed and that it is better to postpone decisions until internal conflicts have been resolved.

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He also asked Horacio Rodríguez Larreta and Patricia Bullrich for time, who ignored him. They replied that he no longer cared whether he was a candidate or not. These differences do not seem to affect the adhesion of a sector of the electorate – today the opposition – which for a decade has held 40/42% of the votes. Macri’s gesture is triggered by the distributive offer of the accusations. There are storylines with an announced ending, but it’s unclear how they’ll be worked out in between. And what wounds will they leave?

politicians on hiatus

In these hours Macri is digesting the first effects of the decision. He helps him the resting place that gives politics the Easter break, which it has taken to regain its strength.

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Mauricio himself was a doctor for half a week follow-up visit with sedation of which I will not give details. Gerardo Morales recovers hospitalized from a renal thrombosis. Lilita was saved for Lent, Cristina disappeared from the Senate because she was responsible for the Executive Power due to another absence – Alberto in DC –

He got lost the ability to use the pen and produce by decree the revolution he demands from his tweets in another AI (artificial intelligence) exercise. He gave up his seat in the House in order not to see how the formal majority held a minority session in the Senate on Thursday due to lack of numbers. Only she could produce that unprecedented spectacle.

The opposition already has 38 seats and controls their number. In Deputies, among other things, the opposition abstained from voting on the “monotech” project – technological contributors – because if it voted against the project it would be rejected. It came out with only 111 votes. Era another test of opposition power to Congress.

To football, for the return

Nothing says that Macri is retiring from politics. Perhaps football is the continuation of politics by other means. This week he recorded a commercial in support of Andrés Ibarra, his candidate for the presidency of Boca, and repeated something that was already circulating: put me in the position you want on the list for the new board of directors to be elected in December.

It does not matter which. He paves his immediate future: he is crown prince at FIFA, where he already holds one of the most important positions in the Foundation. Over there it has everything to win in any future scenario. Even fueling a return to candidacy, after having already been president of Fifa.

There was more to lose than to gain

Macri finds it hard to justify why he fell, he cannot admit that he has lost more than he earned in the balance sheet. The leadership was hurt when Larreta and Bullrich announced they would go to the presidential PASO even if he insisted on showing up. That notice might convince him to drop his application.

Anyone who talks to Macri about these issues understands it the balance he made personally and politically made him make the right decision. A candidacy that did not ensure victory and, if it had done so, would have put him in front of a thorny and difficult government scenario. More than the one inherited in 2015, whose process facilitated the division of Peronism before the elections, and the schism in the two Houses of Congress after the inauguration. This time Peronism goes to the elections united as in 2019.

Outstanding invoices

He is applauded by those who tell him that he made the right decision – he felt a lot in the endless kisses of hands he indulged in on Monday night at the Fundación Libertad dinner.

He has more difficulty with those who reproach him for having let the opportunity slip by. I am those who have been left in the street, allies and supporters who would have preferred him to announce his retirement last year. Some of them pay the price for having put together electoral projects in provinces that have anticipated elections, assuming they can take advantage of a Macri in the national race.

There are those who rejoice Macri – half friends – those who exalt his loss as a strategic genius. But there are widows of Macri that they have to go with the music elsewhere. The first polls that consulted on their decision were approved by the majority: 67% “seems good to me”, 27% “indifferent”, 4% “seems bad to me” (Berensztein/D’Alessio).

Your ego and the ego of others

In the explanations he has given in public, he concentrates the decision on the personal, with reflections on the management of egos. The problem of the politician is not so much the management of his own ego, but the ability to manage the ego of others: every politician is a manipulator of the will of others.

Without that ability it would be impossible to lead a state, ensure peace or face a war, which is sending men to their deaths, whether the sovereign suffering that suffering likes it or not. the current government He paid dearly for jibarizing his agenda to attend to the vice president’s self-interest and neglecting the public interest. How much did Cristina’s ego cost…

Learning for a new leadership

The moment that opens with Macri’s exit from the candidacy, which does not imply an exit from politics, is interesting for the challenge of rebuilding another type of leadership, without contesting leadership. Being a boss and a candidate clouds the ability to contain the contradictions altogether. It is the learning that Macri faces. Menem was unsuccessful in 1999, which he believed would bring power home and dispel the power of Peronism.

Not even Duhalde or Cristina de Kirchner. The crisis of the Argentine political system is due to this inability to manage power from outside the function.

It happened to Perón, who he sparked armed confrontations in the twilight of his life, when he seemed to have more power than ever. This is a country without former presidents, who can be found at least at one cocktail party. Everyone owes accounts. “The outrages between the parties had been so serious that there were no words to reconcile.” (“Humiliated and offended”, Dostoevsky).

Survival test for the PRO

Macri must refute those who will say that “the PRO doesn’t exist, what was there was Macri”. Cambiamo 2015 was based on a final strategy drawn up by PRO, UCR and the Coalition – he has his name and surname – which was based on the support of the urban bourgeoisie public around the figure of Macri. Yes Defeating Peronism in 2015 and 2021 was a feat, it must be attributed to the electorate.

The caciques of the PRO and Cambiemos must pass the Macri-free survival test. He contributes hyperactivity as a mentor and organizer of the force to him, as well as José María Aznar in the Spanish PP and Felipe González in the PSOE. Those two models who have successfully governed their country have sworn on leaving office that they would no longer assume institutional responsibilities. respected and extended the life of their organizationswhich continue to articulate the politics of Spain.

Office of Uncertainties

This idea that politics has a market dynamic translates into a valid fantasy for the business world. Politics It’s not a matter of addition and subtraction, it’s non-Euclidean geometry.. It is a desire governed by the uncertainty principle; the more we seek certainty about the position of an object, the less we can know its movement – said the physicist Heisenberg.

What needs to happen to Diego Santilli to keep the PRO candidacy for governor of Buenos Aires, encouraged by polls and Larreta’s support? Macri took care to put it on Tuesday in the same photo as Cristian Ritondo, who orbits between Patricia Bullrich and María Eugenia Vidal. What needs to happen, others wonder, before Larreta’s Buenos Aires alliance with radicalism doesn’t explode into thin air?

Because exploding will not explode, as it would be a mass suicide in the sanctuary-district of Cambiemos. He The announced end is that Jorge Macri goes to PASO with Martín Lousteau, as follows from the lines of the Macri-Larreta pact, so that there is only one candidate of the force. The two leaders of the PRO have not released the fine print of that agreement which consecrates cousin Jorge. Proof of this is the aggressiveness of Macri, who removed Lousteau from the list of his favorites of radicalism.

The radical senator was confident in an agreement with Larreta for the PRO to stop a lightweight that he would have easily beaten on the pitch. But this being Jorge is not what had been agreed. Much less Jorge crushes him in public as the man of 125 or campaigns with slogans like “I’m very different, he was part of Kirchnerism”.

Do we fix it like gentlemen or like who we are?

If this mood persists, the cousin will have to protect his cards. Born in Tandil, he was mayor of Vicente López for years, where his address is assumed-he is still on leave. For to apply to the CABA they ask you for 5 years of residence. It’s not that anyone thinks of pursuing the address. These indiscretions will bring the parties to a table of understanding to reach a peaceful dispute.

The radicals are now pushing for two elections to be held on the same day in Buenos Aires’ PASO. One for head of government with a single ticket and the other for national posts. That neither Jorge nor Lousteau cling to a presidential candidacy. Any other game is an abuse of a dominant position. They will ask, like the great Cantinflas: do we fix it as gentlemen or as we are? The referee is the binguero Angelici, whose role as defender of the alliance is once again at risk.

The PRO resists energy consumption

This negotiation is essential because Jorge-Lousteau’s STEP is assumed to be an even dispute. They must negotiate the lists of candidates for legislators and members of the Buenos Aires community in the same spirit. In these agreements there will be a distribution that adapts to the size of the forces that will face each other, and the proceeds will go to the radicals, who will have the possibility of discounting the differences less than they have today in representation in the Legislature and in the municipalities.

In the cost of the Larreta-Yacobitti agreement for the co-government of Buenos Aires and the electoral alliance, one must support the cut that the PRO will undergo in that distribution. Negotiation is central to Cambiemos’ fortune in CABA and can permeate other districts. Macri understands that the PRO must fight for control of the city without handing it over to the radicals, who have elaborated a timeless strategy to regain the centrality they historically had in the city. This time is when they are closest to doing it, after 20 years of walking in the desert.


Source: Clarin

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