Macri, victim of the Red Circle

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When Mauricio Macri agrees to explain in confidence the reasons for withdrawing from each candidacy, he reveals that in the meetings he had with “the red circle” he got tired of hearing phrases of support, but when he asked them to make those adhesions public, no one I did it. led him to resolve his exit from the electoral struggle.

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The background to this diagnosis remains to be explained, because since he has been involved in politics, Macri has increased the number of votes from election to election. It mortifies him that now those same businessmen are queuing up in his office to reproach him for the decision and confess his impotence.

The decision seems rational when you look at that disappointment along with discredited brands in populous neighborhoods like the suburbs. Perhaps Macri has understood that the candidate of the establishment is Javier Milei.

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Not because I think I’ll win the election, but unscrupulously defends the theology of the market which Mauritius and businessmen have historically supported. It’s in the political bias handbook to believe that good ideas produce good results. Also that the support of the elites drags the masses and decides the elections. If everything were that easy.

Pichetto shows his program

Easter week was a marathon of confessions and assessments. On Monday, Macri was with Miguel Pichetto, his former deputy candidate, and who all the more it pushed him to run for a new mandate. He was able to take a copy of the book that Pichetto wrote together with José Roberto Dromi, former reformer minister of Carlos Menem and who has never orbited Cambiemos.

Pichetto enjoys these disruptive acts against political correctness, for example by launching the campaign with Dromi’s secretly written book. The work “Identity of the Republic” is a political platform that reviews fundamental issues of constitutionalism, but also of the current situation.

As a platform, it’s the most serious thing the candidates have contributed this round. Review the idea that the Constitution is already a government program – an argument that Horacio Rosatti has been spreading since he assumed the presidency of the Tribunal.

The book condemns the excessive discretion of governments dedicated to administering emergency regimes. It also condemns the judicial authoritarianism that seeks to rule by the judiciary and the excess that means the unconstitutional expansion of criminal justice, which leads to a judicialization of politics.

That same week, Pichetto met with Horacio Rodríguez Larreta and Patricia Bullrich, and he brought them the same message he left with Macri: I’m still a candidate for a presidential PASO and this is my agenda.

Macri is played in the province of Vaca Muerta

Macri ended the week in council with other close entornists such as Hernán Lombardi and José Torello in the distance from Cumelén. He took advantage of the trip for a mentoring session with PRO candidates in next weekend’s Neuquén elections.

If they win tied to dissident empeist “Rolo” Figueroa, the PRO and Macri – who forced support for this candidate against opposition from his Cambiemos allies – they will be able to invoice a triumph in the magic district of dead cow.

Figueroa challenges the MPN which has governed Neuquén since its origins as an autonomous district. He shared local pastry delicacies (macarons etc.) and good governance advice with them. I will support them, he told mayoral candidates and legislators in several cities, but I will also make sure they stick to the program they are committed to in the future.

Neuquén is one of the districts where Cambiemos failed to maintain unity. It was another proof of the fragile leadership of the caciques of that coalition, radicals, macristas, lilitos, who have not been able to enclose their candidates under the same acronym.

geese versus parakeets

That leadership weakness is projected onto other districts that didn’t get a break for Easter. This Monday The inspector appointed by the national council of the PRO to regulate the dissidence of Omar de Marchi lands in Mendoza.

It is Humberto Schiavoni, high commissioner of his party. He was president of the PRO and nominated, with Macri, Patricia Bullrich as his successor. Schiavoni goes with the mission to register the PRO of Mendoza at the front with the radicals of Alfredo Cornejo.

De Marchi expresses a conservative sector of the alliance that governs Mendoza, and which declares itself critical of the management of radicalism. He believes he can win a governorship from Alfredo Cornejo which he believes is secured.

If he fails, he will be able to remove his number in the local legislature to reduce the room for maneuver of a possible Cornejo government. DeMarchi expresses the old clashes between conservatives and radicals of Mendoza.

It is not for nothing that the symbol of the Democratic Party is the goose. They have taken on the nickname of geese – because they are cogotudos and arrogant – as a compliment, and have turned it against the radicals, who they identify with the pericotes – whom they see as predators. This dialectic was reflected in emblems such as the one showing a goose biting the tail of a parakeet.

Still legal tangles

Schiavoni was one of those responsible for De Marchi’s approach to radicalism for the original format of Cambiemos; That’s why they ordered the divorce. He leaves calmly, to the point that he plans to have lunch this Monday alone with De Marchi.

Schiavoni arrives with copies of a book he has just published (“Argentina Awaiting: Apuntes para el desarrollo”), which has a prologue by Alfredo Cornejo full of praise – another Mendoza taunt in campaign books, such as that of Pichetto-Dromi.

DeMarchi has announced that it will appeal the surgery. If he does so before María Servini, the electoral judge of the Capital – headquarters of the party that made the decision – he will take into account that the magistrate has already addressed Bullrich before: in the PRO of La Rioja. If he makes it to Mendoza, it will be in the hands of local judge Walter Bento. This path involves multiple plots.

Bento is the subject of investigations and charges in the Council of the Judiciary. The opposition has him on the brink of suspension, and the last thing he wants is to do the radicals a favour.

The Peronists are not moving

De Marchi’s plans mark this Tuesday a front with several partiesincluding the Civic Coalition, which also intervened from the national table to encourage this adhesion to De Marchi.

The CC has in that district Gustavo Gutiérrez, one of the politicians closest to Elisa Carrió – he was her candidate for vice president in 2003. A group of opponents of Cornejo and radicalism will form part of that front.

Among these the non-K Peronists are identified as former governor Arturo Lafalla and former congressman Carlos Abihaggle, who was also ambassador to Chile during the presidency of Néstor Kirchner. Obviously he has the accompaniment of democratic leaders who have long since left the alliance with the radicals. Among them is Carlos Balter, president of the Democratic Party in the national order, who has expressed his support for the nomination of Javier Milei.

White flag of Christianity

With the decline of Christina’s power in the Senate exploded the minority session that led the ruling party of the House due to lack of numbers. For this week they contribute more: they raise the white flag.

The Frente de Todos bloc – which is the first minority, but is below the threshold of its quorum – has requested that there be a meeting of parliamentary work before the session called by the opposition and the governing party for this Thursday 13 .

This bureaucratic detail indicates the level of capitulation to an opposition that already has 38 seats -33 from Cambiemos and allies, and 5 from the dissident Peronism of Guillermo Snopek-.

Until now, Peronism had never admitted that it had seated Cristina to discuss the agenda of the sessions with the senators. The sessions of the Christian breakthrough have been defined as “special”, that is to say to deal with issues imposed by the ruling party.

Opponents of the Frente de Todos have requested the session for Thursday 13 April. It is the same day that the PJ of the CABA called a march before the courts in favor of Cristina.

In the absence of more pompous anniversaries, they will mark the seventh anniversary of a subpoena by the late Judge Carlos Bonadío. Cristina, as an authority of the Senate, is required to accept the request for a session.

But he doesn’t have to do it for the day and time requested by the opposition. If he admits that the session is on the 13th, the respect and consideration he has for the summoning of the PJ of Buenos Aires will be known.

What no one expects is that Cristina accepts the miseries of the common state in Parliamentary work. You will certainly delegate the task to the provisional president of the Chamber, Claudia Ledesma.

Scioli sails without lights

Electoral dreams make monsters, like Goya’s dreams of reason. The climate created by the competition forces the protagonists to double down on the rationality of their sayings and deeds.

The government party and the opposition digest the exit of Cristina and Macri from the list of candidates as best they can. They never actually said they would be candidates.

They have been demanded, against all reason, by the coalitions of which they are leaders, but not leaders. They are at the head of internal tribes – from the Frente de Todos and from Cambiemos – but their lordship is not enough to arbitrate the contradictions of the group to the point of placing themselves above confrontation.

Cristina commands the Peronism of AMBA, which is a fraction of national Peronism. And she, too, within that tribe, has to live with the insurrection of Alberto Fernández and Sergio Massa, who administer the Executive contradicting it in everything.

The nicest thing he has in that ethnic group is Daniel Scioli, who continues to sail without lights behind an application for which you have a route map.

This weekend he was in Quilmes and one of the national shipowners, his former minister “Cacho” Álvarez, was in Misiones. Next week he will be in Avellaneda, where Alvarez was mayor and where the Minister of Construction, Jorge Ferraresi, of whom “Cacho” is an adviser, governs. Small distribution of internal power.

They would only be candidates if they won

Macri and Cristina would have run if they had been a sure trump card for their coalitions. Signs of rejection kept them from that possibility. Cristina carries the backpack of the failure of the executive power management that she integrates. She read the notice that she was the loser in the 2021 general election.

If he were to run, he would have to come from a Peronism which is only formally united, but which you have condemned for not knowing how to manage the economy, and whose mistakes are hopeless.

His own government rejects the claims against the agreements with the IMF which, according to Olivos, can save it from shipwreck. The decline in membership between 2019 and 2021 could be more profound in 2023 and the national Peronism, which administers most of the provinces, has tried to separate the election dates trying to avoid the risk of dragging towards bankruptcy.

Macri commands the PRO, which is not all Let’s change. And he turned down the nomination after Larreta and Bullrich – as witnesses of an internal insurrection – raised their voices to warn him that they would take a presidential STEP against him. Within his coalition he has a contradiction with all the tribes of radicalism and the Coalition of Carrió. A hard road to walk.


Source: Clarin

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