In the week that begins, the opinion on the omnibus law that prepares the arc of the normals will be known. They are those who express the desire not to offend the government with a failure in the first legislative round.
They admit it The electorate they represented was the one that gave its vote to Javier Milei in the second electoral round, with the mandate to beat Sergio Massa.
This loan allowed the candidate to overcome that small 29% in the first round, which is his real electoral weight. This ruling recovers from the original project the tools that the government says it needs to overcome the current fiscal and financial crisis.
Those measurements They will not be accompanied by extravagant and unlimited transfers of delegations or generic and timeless emergencies.. The other initiatives – cultural, political, electoral, administrative and sartorial – will remain for another time. This opinion is drawn up by the PRO blocs, the UCR and the Miguel Pichetto Federal Coalition. Gather now 94 votes. They will offer the ruling party to add the 38 votes of La Libertad Advances with which they will be able to go to the premises with the majority 132 votes.
If Migliaism is contested and not admitted, the Peronist opposition will insist on a ruling rejecting and blocking the law, which will be discussed with 101 votes against the ruling party. The same weakness puts the single ballot project in the Senate’s freezer. The government must choose whether to admit that it does not have the power to make a revolution, or whether the opposition will mock it in public. The revolution is not done when you want, but when you can.
Rules of reality
The wind of reality dissipates the last shreds of official propaganda. In a couple of weeks of presentation to Congress, The ruling party’s slogan that the omnibus law will be approved without touching a single comma is already a dead letter.
Briefings last week demonstrated officials’ competence to concede changes requested by lawmakers from all blocs. The result is a sentence that will be very different from the one imagined by the Executive and which has been waved about as if it were an unquestionable sacrament.
Basically, very little remains of the original letter, supported only by some adjectives, adverbs and some modest interjections. This marathon of changes contradicted the boasts of the spokespersons of the party in power from the lecterns of Government House to the microphones of the friendly press.
Hyperrealistic bar
Realism obviously inspired the strongest representatives of the ruling party. One was Rodolfo Barra, certainly the most powerful man in the ruling party who was forceful in denouncing Milei’s weakness.
He was starkly honest in his dialogue with Daniel Santoro Clarion last Sunday: “A president with minorities in Congress cannot introduce laws. Or, for example, if you have the majority and your projects are rejected by your own blocs, what do you do? Doesn’t he govern?” This process defined Milei’s main disability. To govern, a president must have legislators, a party, a team, a program and territorial power.
Everything that Milei doesn’t have, who came to power through an electoral domino after Peronism and Together for Change lost elections. He wanted to become president despite these shortcomings, which do not derive from the office, as perhaps they derive from a monarchy.
Now he must arbitrate the measures to generate the power he does not have. If you can’t, you will have to reconsider your decisions. But we cannot hold others responsible, insults at that, for those weaknesses.
They just wanted to give a signal (they warn late)
With the same sincerity, Guillermo Francos, another strong man in his cast, apologized for the improvisations of the omnibus law. In reality, he said, they wanted to send a message to society.
Speaking about electoral reform in the plenary session of the Commissions of Deputies, he gave up, tied hand and foot: “With this they wanted politics to give a signal. We are politics.
Maybe we are not right, but we believe that it is a gesture of our politics towards society, saying: “Attention, we are also adapting to this.” This is a signal that we understand and that society would welcome, since the effort is common to all. I admit the opposite position.”
With less force, Mariano Cúneo Libarona admitted that the toga was a coin and handed it over folded and ironed: “Should we cancel the jury trial because the judges have robes or don’t have robes? Let’s think about what’s better.” As if whoever wrote it, which certainly wasn’t him, hadn’t used his head.
Traffic light arbitration
The group of deputies who write the opinion of the normals worked for half a week, after a fruitful meeting to illustrate who had the longest traffic light.
The traffic light was a method that the Córdoba deputy Oscar Agost Carreño, from the “Los 23” neighborhood of Pichetto, imagined, using a box of crayons. He tried to highlight in green, yellow and red what the government could give, what could be discussed and, in red, what was no good.
It is the traffic light of the founding line used by block 23, whose editors are Agost and Nicolás Massot. The radical Soledad Carrizo and the former UCR representative of San Luis, Alejandro Cacace, created a second traffic light that has been revised. From this traffic light arbitration a ruling will emerge, in which María Eugenia Vidal and Silvia Lospennato, secretary of the block and one of the few who carry the entire library in their heads, also participate for the PRO.
Hall of Fame
There were few legislators with that ability. These characters are essential. Since he left the position of deputy, The radical Mario Negri never stops welcoming the invitations of the blocs of all the parties to the Congress of the two Chambers, of the trade unions, of the social organizations, of the entrepreneurial chambers and of the entrepreneurial groups to give interventions and explanations on the politics that exists today and on that which may exist in the future.
Another case: José Canata in the legislature of Buenos Aires: in that house he brought the whole encyclopedia and knew how to answer any question. He demonstrated this in the drafting of the Constitution of the Autonomous City.
Another was Francisco Durañona y Vedia, former curator of UCeDé, who was said to know how big a fisherman’s sandal fits. The most recent, Jorge Capitanich, known as “Coquipedia” when he was a senator.
His ability to manage his mental shelf has shown him as one of the most knowledgeable legislators in the Senate. He was, together with Jorge Yoma, responsible for Cristina de Kirchner’s best moment as senator. When he stopped consulting them, his political decline began.
Today, former governor of Chaco, Capitanich is preparing two doctoral theses – one in economics, the other in political science – and is finishing writing a book on political parties in Argentina. Incidentally, he is well versed in the Milei system as he graduated from Esaade, the alma mater of the Austrian school.
Peronism demands its pact
Regularization of normal values is the only shortcut available to the government to achieve some of what it had envisaged. The idea of the ruling party is that this ruling will be signed at the end of this week and will be presented in the premises in the last week of January, when the CGT is preparing a national strike in protest against the DNU and the omnibus law.
The government has tried to focus the debate on the law to delay the DNU, which is valid until someone stops it. This will definitely happen in court.
But the DNU can also add morbidity if at the end of the week that begins, the opposition says it regrets that time has run out for Congress to establish the bicameral Commission, which must deal with a measure of necessity and urgency within 10 days.
The delay is due to the fact that Martín Menem, president of the Chamber of Deputies, has not yet approved the names of the deputies who will compose it. He does not do so because he agrees with Peronism on the distribution of commissions by blocks and according to the d’Hont system.
For this reason Peronism proposed four deputies. If this were true, the opposition would have a majority in the Commission. Martín Menem learned that a new block, Pichetto 23, had been integrated and preferred to use another method to integrate the Bicameral. He has margin. According to this new criterion, Peronism will have 3 deputies instead of 4 and will remain in the minority.
Peronism threatens the premises
Martín Menem must want to delay this decision for as long as possible, thus respecting the official plan to delay the treatment of DNU 70. But he runs the risk that, if the 10 days of non-treatment by the Commission expire next Friday, Peronism called a minority session to discuss it. I wouldn’t have the votes to reach the quorum or to overturn it, but who has the courage to take that risk?
The fear of this happening explains the words of María Eugenia Vidal and Macri who insist that the DNI be approved. In the opposite position, also the criteria of the authors of the opinion of the normals, who insist on inserting in the red zone – the unacceptable – the article 654° which says, as if in a whisper: “Ratification of the decree of necessity and urgency n. 70/2 ,3”.
The DNU can be eliminated
On the planet of normals in the last few hours a new revision alternative has been proposed, namely the opening of the DNU. According to law 26.122 regulating the rules of necessity and urgency, approved in 2006, the commission must be issued based on the validity or otherwise of the DNU.
This suggests that it could not be divided and considered into its component parts. According to the interpretation of lawyer Ricardo Gil Lavedra, this rule was drafted under the assumption that a DNU would address one or a few topics.
But one would never have thought that a DNU could exist with so many and varied subjects as the 70 signed by the Milei government, which total 366 articles. To divide the DNU, a law like the one proposed by deputy Juan Manuel López would not be necessary.
The Congress itself, according to Gil Lavedra, can legislate according to its competences and open the DNU in its parts and deal separately with all the issues contained therein. And approve some and reject others. Make a traffic light for the DNU too.
Source: Clarin
