The show that the government offers to the public in the summer audience is unmissable. We have known peaceful revolutions, bloody revolutions. But Olivos’ ingenuity now transforms the format of the revolution into a fairy tale. Vote on the megalaw and then I will tell you what it contains. If everything remains as it is, you will face a memorable uprising. Representatives of the ruling party and those of the opposition with good governance go to a session of the omnibus bill with a negotiated verbal dispatch, which can obtain the votes to start the session, but which brings together almost 200 dissidents from various blocs, as well as from ‘minority office of Peronism, which wants to throw the project out the window as soon as it comes into force. The fragility of the unusual debate process includes conspiracies between officials and legislators in bars, hotels, cafes and in some departments of Recoleta. The latter has become a source of legends that the protagonists try to hide for fear that the fierce opposition will question everything, for having taken the debate out of office. During the Covid epidemic, legislators participating in sessions remotely had to do so from a public institution and always within the territory of the country. The extreme deregulation of mileism privatized the debate and brought it to the private home of an official of the Chamber of Deputies.
Decline of liberalism
It seems like a Creole contribution to the global process of decline of the liberal system in the world, induced here by conservative and liberal politicians like Milei. This is the perception of some analysts 2024 “could be the year Western liberal elites lose control of the world order” (Fyodor A. Lukyanov, an analyst at the Russian think tank Council on Foreign and Defense Policy, in this week’s New York Times.) A succession of conflicts, plagues and economic crises has caused societies to lose faith in the institutions of liberal democracy Argentina’s authoritarian drift puts the Executive in front of Congress, which it denounces as a den of thieves whose legislative power must be limited to the maximum. The proof of the authoritarian gesture now is to gather the friendly blocs in a session whose opinion was signed blank Occurs due to the fear of “normal” members of Congress of identifying with the agenda of rejection of Peronism, who governed until last December. Nor do they want to be held accountable for the failure of the Milei administration.
secret diplomacy
Miguel Pichetto, who is becoming the strongest deputy of the Gentile party in power, refused the participation of members of his We Make Federal Coalition bloc (23 deputies, plus 9 from Federal Innovation, in total 32) in a meeting held on Wednesday morning at department. by Tomi Figueroa, parliamentary secretary of the Chamber of Deputies. The pretext for doing so was that Congress was surrounded by union members inciting the strike. When in reality the building and the annex were open and could be easily reached by bus. Pichetto learned that Federico Sturzenegger was waiting for them to negotiate dissent to the official sentence, he called Martín Menem and ruined the procedure: I have always intervened in meetings of Congress or in the Chamber of Deputies, never in private places. In that dialogue, a video conference in which Nicolás Massot also participated, Pichetto announced that he was withdrawing the ambassadors. They give him the epithets of former president of the BCRA and supreme deregulator of all deregulations. We are unable to reproduce them because we have no other testimony than the chronicler’s fragile memory. One of the deputies of “Los 23”, Oscar Agost Carreño, was already in Tomi’s department together with Pamela Verasay, deputy of the UCR (Cornejo wing), and Silvia Lospennato, parliamentary secretary of the PRO. Following the mission, from a table in La Biela, were the president of the PRO bloc Cristian Ritondo and the president of La Libertad Avanza Oscar Zago, who conversed in that new headquarters of the Creole right, recovered after two decades of Tabac, a sanctuary of Macrism larretist. They were at the head of a table where, among others, Hernán Lombardi and Silvana Giudici were waiting for the events, and Martín Menem also passed by. There they learned that Agost had retired on Pichetto’s recommendation and that Verasay followed him. They did so in such a hurry that they could not identify the other guests of that council, perhaps government officials who tried to distance themselves from the others by settling on a balcony. Fictional.
The most powerful Congress
Wednesday’s session depends on the government’s acceptance of the three conditions of the expanded block of Pichetto’s 32, presented on Thursday afternoon to José Rolandi, Milei’s fourth envoy to the meeting with the legislators: that the Executive improves the project for updating the pensions, who puts in writing the demands of the non-Peronist governors, supported by this interlock, and so on withholding taxes on industries are reduced. This position was influenced by the presentation of an opinion by the deputies of the Civic Coalition, which in the middle of the week became the most consulted of all the blocs, due to its solidity and the public support of Elisa Carrió. This agreement, added to that of the UCR, shows a powerful Congress influencing a government like few times in the last 40 years. Healthy, when the game of thrones anointed the weakest president in a tournament of losers. This tightening of the Pichetto block coincided with the stink bomb that caused the news of the sacking of Minister Guillermo Ferraro, who was credited with revealing details of Thursday morning’s cabinet meeting. In that meeting Milei was able to raise his voice with reproaches like this to his team “Congress is supposed to be in session today and now they tell me there isn’t even an opinion.” There he was able to talk about retaliation against governors. Milei, aware that the legislators were rising in defense of the governors, attacked Ferraro, holding him responsible for having publicized that morning brawl. He sent the news of Ferraro’s dismissal, which he learned from the media while he was drinking a whiskey in the afternoon in his house in Plaza San Martín. “They’re throwing me out,” he muttered as they showed him the details of his execution on the tablet.
Officials for a day
The effects of this dismissal, which extends the episodes of the “official” series for a day, are unpredictable. Ferraro was Minister of Infrastructure, responsible for the public works sector. This sector is at the center of the government’s agenda. He announced that he will suspend all those that are not in progress and brought forward the omnibus law with the ambitious RIGI project (Incentive Scheme for Large Investments). This chapter provides extraordinary benefits to more than private projects 150 million dollars. The government negotiating table defends it so vigorously that it is assumed that it already knows who can enter that program. The official who will manage this fund will, if all this prospers, a superminister. It will no longer be Ferraro. There are carom effects on the ruling party’s cadres. Ferraro gained experience as an official in the Buenos Aires governments of Antonio Cafiero and Eduardo Duhalde and is the spouse of Martín Menem’s spokesperson in the Chamber of Deputies, Flavia Alemann, daughter of the former Treasury Secretary Juan Alemann. This week Martín will have to take over the leadership of the session not yet convened for the omnibus law. Disorder is already being created with the clamor of various opinions circulating. Discussing more than 400 articles with more than 200 dissidents and 104 votes against (99 from Peronism and 5 from the left) would already be an enormous challenge for a veteran.
The ghost of the negative vote
Martín Menem is a rookie in these leagues and has dedicated his professional life to trading feed for Patovicas. If he wants to go to the bathroom mid-session, the first vice-president of the Chamber Cecilia Moreau, from the fierce opposition, replaces him. If Leopoldo’s daughter in turn needs her, she is replaced by Julio Cobos, 2nd deputy, expert in government demolition sessions – he invented the category of the no positive vote for 125. The nomination of the 3rd vice president is still vacant. He corresponds to the PRO and will be voted on in the first session. Silvia Lospennato, active in larretism, has all the skills to deal with it. but he strongly pushes for the omnibus law to be enacted in some way. She is convinced that Milei must be saved because the fate of her party is linked to that of the president.
Confusion on both sides
The project process is being challenged by confusing signals from the ruling party and the meek opposition. The government accuses Congress when it should be on its knees asking it to vote for something. With few results from the project, he has already gained some control over a government that won’t get started and that has fired more officials than it has appointed. We must give credit to those who have known Milei since before he was president and he claims that he never wanted to be anything other than Minister of Economy. Today the president even acts as Minister of Economy, a function that he usurps from “Totò” Caputo, who he uses as a sparring partner to harass Pichetto, who he is supposed to flatter. Yes, it is, There is neither president nor minister of economy. It is common for MPs to ask the government “do you really want the project to happen or are you engaged in an operation to build power?” Santi Caputo, telephone stylist – networks, tiktokes, etc. – celebrates that the opposition laughs at the appeal to the “forces of heaven”. “-Did you see that I’ve already beaten them, that I’ve already put that phrase in their heads?”
music for chameleons
The domesticated opposition acts according to a negative dialectic. There are majority votes to support the project, but The deputies do not have a leadership that unifies diagnosis, objectives and strategy. They play the same music, but dance to it with different choreography. They express the drama of the opposition: their leaders fight, but the electorate that brought them where they are remains united and supports a program that they have supported for a decade, which was Together for Change, and to which Milei added when he entered The government in office, without a party, without a team, without a program, without legislators, without territories, without governors and without money.
Dysfunctional monarchy
George Santayana, who knew it all, stated that “all government in the dialectical sense is essentially monarchical.” The Spanish-American philosopher understood that no matter how many enlightened groups construct politics, Only will and intelligence can plan and lead a government. Since he knew everything, he placed conditions on the statement: “The monarchs – he states in his essay “Dominations and Powers”. [1951] – among other things, they were rarely models of wisdom or virtue.” Historical monarchies, due to this contradiction between the nature of the office and the capacity of the person who exercises it, created fuses for the misfortune of the “foolish king”, that there were, are and will be (regents, royal, valid councils, preceptors, lovers, suripantas and barragan@s).In a democracy, society must protect itself from the dysfunctional ruler by demanding that those who govern have autonomous power, and not vicar of other forces, nor godfathers, who have a party, a government plan, a team, legislators, territories – that is, governors -. This is what dysfunctional presidents have to improvise in Argentina – we’ve had two in a decade – which did not have these attributes of origin. They must acquire them within the learning process. There is always a Horse that comes to the fore, or a Massa that rules you, if you are a president lost in the fog.
Source: Clarin
