Massa fears a fence hit

Sergio Massa fears that, in November, when the new members of the Judiciary Council will have to be appointed, Christianity will do the same in the Deputies as in the Senate: split the Frente de Todos block in two to create a second minority and retain another councilor.

If that happens, Massa will lose control of the wall thanks to Germán Martínez. That division would verify the schism with Christianity led by Maxi Kirchner. Without the unified bloc, Massa’s little power in Congress ends, just before the 2023 elections, in which he believes he has a role to play. That’s why he tries to distance himself from that crisis.

In his meditations aloud in front of those who want to sit in front of him, in his office, feel the victim of a driving jolt that discourages you. He told the opposition that they will regret not supporting the Judicial Council reform project.

If it does not come out, he believes, in November, the law that governed until 2006 will apply. This is what the Court wants in the ruling that disabled Christian exchange rates that year, which reduced membership and increased the number of politicians.

They reply that it is not easy for this to happen because the Chamber of Deputies has already designated a second minority without dividing it and is a precedent in a possible judicial game.

Why should Christianity do this? Think revenge, because Massa has not been able to unblock any of the judicial reform projects for his partners Patria that relieved officials before 2015 from the suffering of their court. These initiatives were born and matured in the Senate of Cristina and died in the Deputies.

Massa comes from the time he spent with Alberto on his trip to Germany for the G7. This affair of accompanying presidents seems to be a Massa specialty; He has already done it with Mauricio Macri in Davos 2016. “They don’t know how Alberto changes when he travels” – commented those curious in the psychology of the characters in these hours. “- It transforms and focuses on the role of president“.

In this latest foray he must have grasped something about the need to protect himself from a cloister coup, for having invented a parliamentary variant of the palace coup.

Hoarseness, tension and collapse fantasies

More than hermetic was the spontaneous and casual group that was formed on Thursday evening at the Bosch Palace, where the American embassy celebrated, in advance, the date of its independence.

That circle brought together Miguel Pesce, Carlos Melconian, Miguel Kiguel, Hernán Lacunza and the head of the conservatives Carlos Balter of Mendoza. They huddled in the middle of one of the halls of the palace, under the gaze of hundreds of guests who he showed them to all four in a gentle whisper.

They think differently about almost everything, but the crossroads – which mixed technical vocabulary and an unusual friendliness between the opponents – seemed to be based on coincidences. Nobody will ever know. The government’s aphony generates the climate of tensionwhich triggers collapse fantasies when the daily dollar prices or level of reserves are known.

This tension in the government led to an emergency zoom Wednesday night among PRO leaders who were geographically scattered: Macri between Costa Rica and the Dominican Republic, Horacio Rodríguez Larreta at Paris airport, in a stopover to return to Buenos Aires after the tour of Israel, Patricia Bullrich in Buenos Aires and María Eugenia Vidal in Chaco.

They handled numbers approached by the party economists and were linked a remote therapy session to discuss to respond to the press about this crisis. The feasts of Cambiemos, each one, in his own time, they joined the collapse hypothesis and that’s what the government has complained about when it says the opposition is adding fuel to the fire.

Alberto’s gift to Morales

Alberto seeks, like everyone else, a creative closeness with the territories of his party. He tried to have many governors in the CGT. For the territorial homeless, he envisioned Wednesday’s “miracle”. The president relapsed into one of the classic behaviors: do the things she thinks Cristina would do but she doesn’t.

But one of two things: either his tactical advisers looked at another screen and advised him to visit Milagro Sala in Jujuy, to change the cloud-laden economic agenda, or Alberto deliberately wanted to do Gerardo Morales a favor. The photo with Tupac’s head may have flattered the audience itself. But meant an increase in prestige for the UCR president in moderate public opinion, what forms a rolling 30% vote that some believe will decide an election.

Telepathy Tuesday evening

The decision to travel to Jujuy on Wednesday was made by Alberto in a meeting with close advisors in Olivos on Tuesday evening. It was at the same time that Gerardo Morales offered a loyalty roast to thirty lawmakers of his party in the dining room of the Legislators’ Circle. With that asado he closed the day he had had at the party headquarters with the UCR federal table.

There he talked about something that he had to dampen in the afternoon at the National Committee meeting: his candidacy for president. It was an attempt to mobilize his party’s premises behind his candidacy. There was a discussion table and the synthesis that had to raise two arguments in front of the public: the merits attributed to managing him as governor of Jujuy and also exploit the Milagro Sala case as an element of empathy with the non-Peronist public.

As if there was a telepathy between Alberto and Morales at the same time. Around midnight she rang Morales’ cell phone. It was Julio Vitobello, secretary of the presidency who was at the Peña de Olivos where the trip was decided. “-Alberto has a lot of pressure from the organizations and he plans to go to Jujuy tomorrow”. She responds to the gift: “-Let me do what he wants”.

The miracle, blood test

But no one can believe that Alberto wanted to do him that favor. This week, Peronist Senator Guillermo Snopek will test the relationship between Morales and Alberto. He presents a new intervention project of the Jujuy justice based on the Sala case. He had presented it in March 2020, when there were marches for and against that intervention. At that moment Alberto Fernández resolved the question: “We have differences with President @alferdez on Milagro Sala, but he told me that he has no intention of intervening in the Jujuy judiciary and also confirmed that this initiative is to free the leader piquetero “, he declared on March 10, 2020.

Officiating at the altar of the activist is in Peronism a proof of fidelity to Cristina. Sala was an opponent of Fellner’s Peronist governments in Jujuy, but had a direct relationship with Olivos when Cristina was president. the miraculous It is a test of transversality that irritates the Peronism and bowing in front of a crouched much appreciated in the homeland. When Alberto wanted to get away from Sergio Massa before 2019, he went to Jujuy for an initiatory hand kiss. Sergio took it as a divorce notice and honored the local alliance with Morales in 2015: “Violence and theft of state resources must be punished,” he said in July 2019.

The opposition is also intertwined with the territorial

The opposition also begins to cultivate its territories. Cambiemos has improved the election vote in the election since 2015. But also witness pre-existing schisms. In the UCR there are two radicalisms: that of the interior, represented today by Gerardo Morales, and the radicalism of the AMBA, represented by an alliance made up of tribes today in conflict, but also sworn to coexist in order not to lose unity ( nosiglism, Yacobitti-Lousteau, Angelici, etc.).

Morales has a fencing foil to keep these groups together, which dissidently replicate in several provinces, especially in three of the largest, Buenos Aires, Córdoba and Mendoza. On the PRO side there is also a matrix that divides a PRO from the inside with a PRO from AMBA. And even its leaders give their lives for not producing a schism before the elections.

The PRO with armies that cross and clash

Nothing is written in stone, because in that force there is leadership that unites and leadership that divides, and all extend their tentacles towards the territories. Macri uses his party’s internal credit to support all pre-presidential candidates, but under his shadow are unresolved grievances.

The main one is with the founding partner of PRO, Horacio Rodríguez Larreta, with its owner inside who is Omar de Marchi. This week Macri summoned Larreta to his offices in Olivos to demonstrate that merit he has as a leader, who stands out for the liberality of his meetings with leaders who respond to Larreta, who never tires of saying that he will run for a PASO with who stands in front of him. In this he differs from Macri who believes that a thousand flowers must bloom.

But that implies supporting the possibilities of Patricia Bullrich and María Eugenia Vidal, who they move with a quiet response to Larreta’s candidacy. While De Marchi arms the territorial PRO, Macri has enabled a federal PRO that reports directly to him, and is managed by Senator Humberto Schiavoni.

They are preparing for August, when Macri returns from a travel chain, a summit in Puerto Iguazú which will see the participation of representatives from all over the country and a Forum of PRO Mayors. A pseudopod of Mauricio, cousin Jorge, who is minister of Larreta and designated to arm the campaign in CABA and AMBAhe delegated missions in several provinces to his Undersecretary to the Government, César “Tuta” Torres, a leader who was instrumental in his efforts at Vicente López.

The struggle in their own and foreign districts

The radicals affirm the territorial deployment with the youth summit that Morales brings to Jujuy this weekend, organized by a label that brings together kids from all Cambiemos parties. Take advantage of the call that is this Saturday’s match between Pumas and Scotland, a test match that will be played at the Gimnasia y Esgrima stadium.

It will be at the same time as the concentration of the radical Purple Strip in Córdoba, to celebrate the passage of the rector’s office of the local university. In that photo there will be all the leaders of the party: Mario Negri, Rodrigo de Loredo, the Mestre brothers, etc. He also tries to keep Cambiemos’ fourth party united, which is the federal republican meeting.

This Monday, Miguel Pichetto will be shown with Macri and Jorge Sobischformer governor of Neuquén, who supports the republicans in that province he ruled on behalf of the Neuquén People’s Movement.

Thursday 7 Picetto, Ramón Puerta and Juan Carlos Romero will be in Santa Fe. That day marks the first anniversary of Carlos Reutemann’s death and there will be a mass and an introduction of Lole’s daughter, Cora, as a candidate for an elective position next year for that force.

On Friday 8, Pichetto and Puerta will be in Tucumán for a national vigil and a festive dinner in San Miguel de Tucumán, sponsored by the mayor of the capital, Germán Alfaro.