STF and TSE ministers went public this Friday (29) to oppose the brutal coup by President Jair Bolsonaro, who escalated his attacks on electronic voting machines. Alexandre de Moraes, who will preside over Election Justice in October, has assured that the winner will take over “whoever it is”. In other words, if Lula wins, he rules.
The point is, an electoral coup doesn’t have to be completed for deaths to occur in Brazil. A single attempt causes a wave of beatings and shootings. If its people were massacred and beaten as a result of fights between voters in the 2018 elections, imagine what would provoke a government that doesn’t want to break its bone after spending the last three years fighting the electoral system more than hunger and hunger. . inflation?
The craftsmen and participants summoned via Telegram and WhatsApp would have called it, of course, not a coup but “popular uprisings against fraud, in the name of legality and freedom”.
All it takes is a political leader dissatisfied with the results of the polls, inventing the high courts’ collaboration with his main rival, and calling his fanatical followers to the streets, many of whom are armed to the teeth, by staging massive protests. Because of the decrees that that leader released pistols, rifles and ammunition, we are thus experiencing a bigger backlash than on January 6, 2021, when Donald Trump incited the invasion of the United States Congress. A report by UOL this Saturday (30) shows the incredible growth of the private arsenal in the country.
A “Brazilian Capital” would have been more violent because Uncle Sam’s Army hadn’t joined the fun. On the contrary, in the US, the military warned that there would be a peaceful transition of power. Meanwhile, there are generals in Brazil celebrating the battle with the Supreme Court and making veiled threats against Lula.
And among soldiers, corporals, sergeants, and lieutenants in military police barracks, the commitment to Bolsonarism is nationwide even more important than in the Armed Forces.
A survey published by the Brazilian Forum of Public Safety in September 2021 shows that 51% of soldiers, corporals, sergeants and heirs on social media are Bolsonarists – up from 41% in 2020. 30% of them engage with radical content such as anti-democratic agendas and attacks against institutions such as the STF and the National Congress versus 25% in the previous year.
Imagine what could happen if Bolsonaro, a president with great influence over the police forces, decides to claim the election was stolen after a defeat? Not because of lies about electoral fraud, but because of fear of being arrested for cheating in office and the need to produce a truth that would help him maintain an influence over his followers.
Who will the Armed Forces obey in the face of chaos? Is it plateau? Congress? the STF? Would they remain silent?
Bolsonarism has a revolutionary component. But it does not currently have the power to adopt a change with a severe and acute process. Not in vain is he threatening a coup d’etat through contempt of court orders – and for that he attacks the STF.
The probability of a successful electoral coup in the event of defeat is also very low, but this should not produce security with the institutions, since an attempt to produce chaos would suffice for a tragedy.
Part of society believes in the revolutionary potential of statements of rejection, as does another part who believes in the rage of Twitter bubbles as the heart of social transformation. Jair Bolsonaro must have been amused by the fact that while bombarding democracy there were complaints that needed a glossary to be fully understood.
If the institutions don’t put an end to Bolsonaro’s criminal behavior now, with court orders that show Bolsonaro is not above the law and make it clear that his support in Congress is dependent on Bolsonaro’s return to acting “in four lines,” the year will be remorse, not denial.
source: Noticias
