In Brazil it is customary to say “foreign policy does not vote”. This is because, in general, average voters generally do not prioritize issues related to this dimension. Even so, it is essential to know the plans of the country’s presidential candidates in this regard, because in a globalized and interdependent world, the results of our international involvement tend to affect daily life more. This ranges from the most fundamental economic developments linked to the supply of supplies, product prices and access to markets, to the deeper and more complex effects that result from cooperation between ideological groups in the transnational arena, or even have to do with our image and reputation as we circulate. either just as a tourist or looking for job opportunities around the world.
As we add relevance to the theme, we analyzed the government plans published by the two main candidates for the upcoming October elections, highlighting their priorities in the field of foreign policy.
In the case of former President Lula da Silva, the document highlights the importance of reinvigorating an “active and haughty” foreign policy, a term coined by then-Chancellor Celso Amorim during Lula’s past administrations. The text talks about strengthening a sovereign Brazil that aims to gain international prestige and enjoy global leadership. It proposes dialogue with all countries, making it clear that Brazil will not bow to the will of third parties, and draws attention to the resumption of South-South cooperation with Latin America and Africa, in addition to regional integration and action in global multilateral organizations. MERCOSUR, UNASUR, CELAC and BRICS are specifically mentioned.
The defense of democracy, sovereignty and a universalist call is emphasized in the material of the current president, Jair Bolsonaro. The document also talks about the importance of attracting international investments through economic and commercial partnerships, the need to reduce foreign dependency, as well as the importance of strengthening resources for industry and defense base. It is called by the names of OECD, BRICS, G-20, IMF, UN and WTO.
Not surprisingly, the documents differ greatly in terms of diagnosing the country’s current situation. Lula’s plan talks about Brazil’s international isolation. Bolsonaro’s plan argues that the country “has a position of great importance in the international community”.
We know that such texts tend to be vague and often a bit prototypical. However, it is not possible to finish both without experiencing some uneasiness. In no case is the problem not in what is written there, but in the confrontation between cold lines and bare reality.
When it comes to Lula’s material, the discomfort lies in the perception that the team is trying to salvage a past that no longer exists. The Brazil of 2022 is definitely not the Brazil of 2002. The world has not changed either. The international environment is undoubtedly more unstable and full of new sensitivities – structural features that create a new and more slippery context for developing countries. Brazil neither suffers the aftermath of post-real-plan macroeconomic stability, nor is it benefiting from a commodity boom like the early 2000s. Domestic policy is to run an impoverished, more violent and decidedly polarized country that will consume much of the next president’s time and political capital. Internationally, despite all the mobilizations, experts believe Brazil will continue to work consistently over decades to restore its own credibility, which has eroded over the past few years. The question that remains, therefore, is: will there be room to build the thriving Brazil promised in the new government?
When it comes to Bolsonaro’s materials, the document is notable for appearing completely disconnected from the current rhetoric of the president and the reality of his government over the past three and a half years. Unlike the text of the 2018 campaign, which had the overt influence of a more ideological wing of its allies, the talk of the globalist threat and other concepts beloved by the president’s Olavist group was professionalised, this time. It brings the distinctive lines of Itamaraty’s traditional language. At times he repeats statements already made publicly by some of his closest advisers, such as the idea that “Brazil must be anti-fragile”, which is a clear reference to the work of Nassim Taleb, and has already been cited over and over in the same terms. diplomat Tiago Siscar, who worked directly with the president in the early years of the government and currently serves the country at the UN. The question then is: How can we believe in the promises of a good future when there are so many different signs of what is written there?
The summary of the comparison we propose is this: on the one hand, the nostalgic salvation of the world of bygone years; On the other hand, it’s a piece of fiction.
source: Noticias
