The ruling party’s reaction to new challenges depends on its ability to learn. The Hacemos bloc has announced to the government that it will double its bet in the debate on trust funds and will move to Congress to repeal them directly by law. In the new version of the omnibus bill, the government insists on the same terms that led to failure in the session that overturned the bill. The letter issued by the Government, in art. 5th, once again requests the delegation of powers to “modify, transform, unify, dissolve, liquidate or cancel public trust funds (…) and guarantee the corresponding beneficiaries the same resources that they would have obtained in the event of dissolution of which negotiation and settlement”. At the meeting of the presidents of the college chaired by Miguel Pichetto, they told the government that they will do more, but for the benefit of the provinces. The initiative they will carry forward proposes the abolition of trusts, the repeal of the specific appropriations that finance them and that these items be shared between the Nation and the Provinces. This project puts on hold other more odious requests from governors, such as sharing in the allowance law – which has parliamentary status in the Senate – or the national tax.
Learning from the king of the jungle
The original version of the omnibus law failed due to lawmakers’ resistance to repeal to give those funds to the government, which now must avoid running into the same hurdle. The failure of DNU 70 in the Senate and in the judiciary, and the rejection of the omnibus law in the Deputation are teaching Olivos to understand how politics works. The office exists first and foremost to agree, not to fight. Whoever exercises it from the heights of power must know how to delegate, which is difficult for a government that rests – like others that have existed in the world – on the trust of the “nepo-babies” – children, brothers, cousins, nephews, examples of which are the ethnic groups of the Milei, the Menem, the Caputo. They are also those who wield the power to stop anger. A difficulty for a president who always transmits his outbursts of anger and annoyance, presents himself as the king of the jungle and promotes the ruckus of his robots.
Macri distances himself
Second challenge: Mauricio Macri has joined the marathon of obstacles that the government must overcome. He sent two messages in public. On Wednesday he was different from Javier Milei in substance and form and was only a few degrees away from the president. “Milei said she agreed with me on 85% of the issues. Today I think she lowered that percentage to 70%” he said Wednesday before a group of businessmen at a seminar in Punta del Este. At the same time, he endorsed the message of the bloc chaired by Cristian Ritondo: “It’s not that the PRO will vote with La Libertad Avanza for the rest of its life. This will end soon, after the Law on the Bases it will be law with law” (note by Gustavo Berón in this newspaper). These differences are based today on Macri’s rejection of Ariel Lijo’s proposal for the Court. He finds it difficult to be a banker and the government forces him to play hide and seek about the true nature of his relationships. Macri’s main plan this year was to take over the presidency of the PRO. He has obtained the single list and hopes that Judge María Servini will proclaim her anointing of him and allow him to assume the position. The rush to sit in the armchair that belonged to Humberto Schiavoni and Patricia Bullrich responds to the fact that the mileism race has already begun to conquer the electorate for the La Libertad Avanza brand.
They steal the electorate
Macri’s reaction is understandable. He must fight to maintain that electorate with some differentiation from Milei. This is nothing new. Before last year’s PASO, Cambiemos was the protagonist of a national panel, broadcast on television, where the incorporation of Milei and José Luis Espert was discussed, at the request of Macri. Patricia opposed it and they only admitted Espert’s entry, but not as a presidential candidate. She was responding to Macri’s perception that Milei was already stealing the electorate from the PRO’s conservative wing at home. For the pininos of the new party, into which he wants to convert the La Libertad Avanza brand, Olivos has chosen the two districts in which the PRO is better off: Córdoba – where the new head of the bloc, Gabriel Bornoroni, comes from – and CABA.
Larreta, who is alone and waiting
Macri’s response with these messages aims to place some conditions on what has so far been a sort of total adhesion. He has handed over officials and programs to a foreign government that refuses to recognize him as godfather. Consolidating the party structure serves to discuss some form of alliance for next year’s elections. Horacio Rodríguez Larreta, who has just attended a seminar in New York with Juan Schiaretti, has already said that his militancy and his deputies – which he has in both Chambers – will remain in the PRO until there is any type of merger with the party of Milei. And that, if something were to happen, we will discuss the position to be taken. There already exists a seal, the Hace Foundation, to which the deputy Álvaro González and the senator Guadalupe Tagliaferri have joined.
Alberdi vs. La Campora
In the new policy everything starts with a foundation and a WhatsApp group. This position is important because Larreta’s candidacy for president had the support of the majority of PRO leaders inside. Reaching out to old contacts is a resource that is always available. The Milei party is today led by the Menem cousins, who reactivate the sleeping cells of the Menemism of the 90s, which serve the restoration of that extinct branch of Peronism. This government is the third attempt at conservative restoration in 40 years of democracy – Menem, Macri, Milei -. The scheme of the mileist party is based on the Alberdian legend: The premises to affiliate with the new party will bear the name “La Alberdi” – as if to compare “La Cámpora” between those who don’t even know who Alberdi was and those who don’t know who Cámpora really was. The forking roads: Alberdi’s exaltation is also a menemic delay. In 1991, Carlos Menem moved the remains of Juan Bautista Alberdi from La Recoleta to Tucumán. He was part of Palito Ortega’s campaign for the governorship. From those muds, from these dusts.
This prison is for the UCR
Third challenge: in the learning of a government that is still studying the CBC of politics – and it shows – there is the arrival at realism. He has convinced himself that he must take radicalism into the gallery of horror and recognize that it depends on that party more than he thought. He rewarded this enlightenment by entrusting him with the responsibility of proposing a labor reform. A gesture of generosity towards a party that has lost a government (De la Rúa) and injured another (Alfonsín) due to the electoral reform. He sends him to the front in the bitterest struggle of the party in power, which is against the unions, the backbone of Peronism. Seen in these terms, it is an invitation to an internship on the Titanic. This challenge moved the radicals, who showed an unusual gesture of unity. On Thursday the two congressional bloc leaders, Eduardo Vischi and Rodrigo de Loredo, appeared before Nicolás Posse, accompanied by some deputies who developed that project. The group is also a multi-party group that expresses the different tribes that divide the radials – including Fabio Quetglas, Mario Barletta, Pablo Juliano, Soledad Carrizo, Danya Tavela, Luis Picat, Pablo Cervi, Pamela Verasay and Pablo Blanco.
CGT: UCR is better than PRO
The blame fell on Olivos when Martín Lousteau voted against DNU 70. He confirmed this when the president of the UCR conditioned the signature of the document of the candidate for ambassador to Israel. He agreed to do so only when Diana Mondino and Rabbi Axel Wahnish made a pilgrimage to his office. They assured him that the government would not do anything that could harm the country’s interests in the Malvinas with the transfer of the Argentine legation from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. It was proof of that As long as the Peronist bloc in the Senate boycotts quorums in committees, no opinion will be expressed.. Now behind the UCR lies a defense mechanism. The CGT, when discussing the project, will have a new actor between the central office and the government. To qualify this struggle, trade unionists have come to underline this weekend that the labor reform project of the UCR is better than that of the PRO, which, for them, is worse than DNU 70, which repeals the labor statute of Peronism , which comes from the year 1974. This radical project, like the one presented to the Senate by Juan Carlos Romero, eliminates all the clauses of DNU 70 that irritate trade unionism. The UCR initiative repeals so-called worker solidarity contributions to unions, but quietly admits that won’t happen in Congress. That’s why they exchange mischievous smiles.
Finger on the trigger
The Hacemos bloc is willing to reach an agreement with the PRO and the UCR to appoint two auditors. They have their finger on the trigger, because if any of these two forces allies themselves with Peronism, which has 99 votes, plus friends on the left, they can appoint the three auditors. The vote that every force risks to Deputies will mount the weapon. A Peronist group says it already has the votes to call an extraordinary session to overthrow DNU 70 and end the mileist romance. They have come to test the specter of non-Peronism, which hopes that the government will stop attacking them to keep the project in a pilot role. Let’s admit that radicalism is paying the price of taking on labor reform. Although this court considers this the most important chapter of all the reforms that the government has proposed in the bullet projects (DNU 70 and omnibus law). So much so that, in the debate on the omnibus law on university campuses last February, Nicolás Massot described the labor reform as “the heart of Argentina’s take-off, which is the generation of jobs”. In that speech he criticized having included it in DNU 70 which paralyzed protections. And she asked that it be included in the debate on the omnibus law on the tables and approve at least three fundamental reforms: the extension of the probationary period, the redetermination of fines and multipliers and the creation of the Fund for termination of work. today they are in the other projects of the friendly opposition of the two Chambers.
Source: Clarin
