If, from a historical point of view, it was customary to analyze international politics mainly from the perspective of the material interests of countries, then more and more in this century we are faced with the need to consider the role of affects and subjectivities. in the formulation of policy. external. ‘Need to belong’ and ‘fear’ are two of the most important dimensions of our time – emotions that are increasingly driven not by accident but in the construction of the speeches and actions of various leaders around the world. In the last few days, in the case of Brazil, we were able to get another important example of how this works.
Jair Bolsonaro’s World War II During Elizabeth’s visit to London to attend her funeral, we clearly witnessed the extent of Brazil’s ‘need to belong’ as the driving force of the presidential entourage. This manifested itself in the group’s open admiration for the event. Bolsonaro and his guests attending the Queen’s funeral looked overjoyed at the event, like someone who couldn’t believe they were going to a celebration they thought they never deserved to attend. In addition to the election tourism climate that has created wherever the president passes, social media has also flooded. vlogs, selfies and photos worth putting in a family album.
Silas Malafaia, whose participation in the tour has not been disclosed so far as he is not in a government position, said the ceremony was “crazy business”. On Instagram, First Lady Michelle Bolsonaro appeared smiling alongside the make-up artist, who proudly referred to her as “honoring national production”, and took the opportunity to share the contacts of the atelier responsible for the production of the dress (24 hours a day, in addition to the cloakroom service and the shoe store she uses). From afar, she noted, recordings of a production widely shared by fashion bloggers at haute couture weeks, but little matched to her role as a first lady after such authority.
From a political standpoint, nothing major; on the contrary. Not only did the president fail to engage in a fruitful dialogue with British leaders during his London visit, he also garnered blunders and was criticized: visiting a petrol station in the city, he made illogical comparisons of fuel prices in both countries; once again attacking the TSE, raising doubts about Brazil’s voting system; angered when asked about the electoral use of the trip; mobilized supporters who then intimidated media professionals; the newly proclaimed King III, who had just lost his mother. The international press covered every detail. Bolsonaro “broke the mourning”, the conservative The Times said. A British national who went viral on the networks said supporters disrespected the moment the UK was going through.
In New York, the ‘fear’ dimension was the dimension that showed itself most clearly. Using the UN tribune as a platform, the president described a fictional Brazil in an attempt to defend his legacy. He spoke of a thriving economy (emphasizing only the appropriate figures) in the strenuous fight against the pandemic, affirming that corruption had been overcome under his government and advocating for the country’s environmental agenda as well as its science policy and support for innovation. For all these areas, there is a wealth of data to the contrary, all of which has been widely publicized. But what continues to draw attention is that, in addition to lies or half-truths, the president’s speech is, as usual, targeted at those who, like himself, defend an anti-systemic position.
The narrative is based on the figure of the ‘martyr’ responsible for acting as a ‘basin’, to use the phrase the president used in his speech. As if there was no “salvation” for Brazil other than its leadership. Even after almost 4 years as president, more than 30 years in public life, and a well-adjusted marriage to the ‘centrão’, Bolsonaro does not want to be perceived as part of the order. It condemns everything that comes its way, hints at the need to fear those who look at the world from a different perspective, demonizes the opposition, criticizes the mainstream media and argues that we will be dominated by new dictators. permanent target
With all this, it positions itself as the spokesperson for a ‘pure group’ that needs an organic leader to represent it. In due course, through the path of sorrow, it captures the minds and hearts of those who have always felt on the edge, but also of those who fear the ghosts that may haunt their comfort and apparent stability. It mobilizes conservatives sensitive to the agenda of tradition, economic leaders seeking the well-being of their own businesses, and political groups whose primary intent is to maintain themselves in power, in an alphabet soup of too many mismatches. It’s dragging people over networks who are very confident about what the great minds of history have taught us. Most of them are connected by a powerful and destructive wave of resentment.
To use the famous phrase of Ulysses Guimarães, politics is done “with the liver” and “The Fatherland has become the servant of personal tempers”. The cost of all this in terms of reputation will appear in the long run for Brazil.
source: Noticias
